Terrifying Similarities Between Ukraine and Russia, Japan and China. Rise of Okinawan Independents and Chinese Foster Domestic Divisions

Terrifying Similarities Between Ukraine and Russia, Japan and China

Rise of Okinawan Independents and Chinese Foster Domestic Divisions

Article on March 4th, 2022 by Seiyu Mori

About Seiyu Mori: (Graduated from the National Defense Academy (6th term, land-based), completed a master’s degree at Kyoto University Graduate School (fusion fusion major), studied in the advanced course at the U.S. Army Ordnance School, became a commander of Survey Team 3, Research Department, Land Staff, a commander of the Area Weapons Group (Tohoku Area Corps), deputy director of the Hokkaido Regional Supply Office, and retired in 1994 as an assistant adjutant general.

Ltd. for 10 years, and part-time lecturer at Seisa University (now retired).

He also edited the bulletin of the National Defense Association of Japan (NDAJ) for five years until March 2010. (He wrote “Eye on the News,” “Ask This Person,” “Domestic and Foreign Movements,” and “Books” in the “Introduction to the Bulletin.

Author of “The Deadly Sins of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs” (sole author) and “What Does it Mean to ‘Defend the Nation'” (co-author).)

Russia has invaded Ukraine, leading to war.

 The invasion was named in response to requests for assistance from the Lugansk People’s Republic and the Donetsk People’s Republic, whose independence Russia unilaterally recognized in eastern Ukraine, and as protection of the peoples of the two republics.

 This scheme is exactly the same as the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008.

 At that time, Georgia also made independent areas that had pro-Russian factions and recognized them as states. Russia invaded because of a request for assistance from that state.

 The 2014 invasion of Crimea was also based on a request by Crimean residents to belong to Russia.

As the saying goes, “What Happens Twice, Happens Three Times,” and the invasion of Ukraine during the Olympic Games followed the same pattern.

 This time, however, most of the world’s public opinion is on Ukraine’s side, having witnessed the deception of Russia’s reasons for the invasion and the Ukrainian people’s strong will to fight.

 The southeastern provinces of Lugansk and Donetsk, which border Russia, have a large Russian-speaking population and a purportedly pro-Russian population that has become increasingly armed and independence-minded.

 Prior to the invasion, cyber attacks and social networking sites were reportedly active in directing public opinion toward the international community, not to mention Ukraine.

 It seems that Russia is planning to invade not only the two republics but also the whole of Ukraine from three directions, encircling the capital city of Kiev and establishing a puppet government that will do as it pleases, not to mention preventing Ukraine from joining NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization).

 Incidentally, many of the elderly in the Baltic countries are familiar with the Russian language, and I heard locally that there is a big difference in thinking between them and the younger, English-speaking generation.

 This is said to have made the Baltic countries even more wary of Russia, which they do not feel comfortable with joining NATO.

 We discuss this from the viewpoint that the invasion of Ukraine is not a matter for others, but a warning to Japan.

Independence-Oriented Forces in Okinawa

 Surveys of Okinawans’ attitudes toward independence and similar surveys have been conducted by the government, universities, and various other institutions and organizations since Okinawa’s reversion to Japan.

 The results vary considerably depending on the survey method, but overall, there is little interest in independence.

 A joint survey of Okinawans by the Okinawa Times, Asahi Shimbun, and others asked the following question: “Are you happy with the reversion to Japan? 62% in 1981, 84% in 1987, 88% in 1992, 87% in 1997, 87% in 2002, 89% in 2009, and 83% in 2012.

 According to the same 2017 survey, 82% said it was “good” and 5% said it was “not good”.

 Younger generations (90% in their 20s, 86% in their 30s … 72% in their 60s, 74% in their 70s and older) were more positive about the “good” rating.

 According to the results of a survey conducted by the University of the Ryukyus in 1996, less than 3% of the residents of the prefecture answered that “Okinawa should be fully independent.

 A survey conducted by an associate professor at the same university between 2005 and 2007 on the attitudes of people in four regions (Okinawa Prefecture, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau) toward belonging to the mainland asked the question, “Should each region be independent or not?

 The percentage of respondents who thought Okinawa “should be independent” decreased sequentially with age from 24.9% (2005), 23.9% (2006), and 20.6% (2007) to 58.7%, 65.4%, and 64.7%, respectively, while the percentage of those who thought it “should not be independent” increased to 58.7%, 65.4%, and 64.7%, respectively. On the other hand, “don’t know/difficult” increased to 11.1%, 8.3%, and 12.7%, respectively.

 In addition, a 2011 Ryukyu Shimpo survey of prefectural residents’ attitudes asked about “Okinawa’s position (situation) in Japan in the future,” 61.8% said “a region (prefecture) of Japan as it is now,” 15.3% said “a special district (autonomous state, etc.),” and 4.7% said “independence.

 There are several pro-Ryukyuan independence groups in Okinawa.

 Wikipedia states that the Kariyushi Club, the Society for the Comprehensive Study of Ryukyuan National Independence, and the Preparatory Committee for the Special Autonomous Region of the Ryukyu Islands of the Chinese Nation are active.

 Based on surveys by the Ryukyu Shimpo, the Okinawa Times, and the Asahi Shimbun, all of which are said to have a large influence on Okinawans through their opposition to bases, it appears that only a single digit (a few percent) of the prefecture’s population is independence-oriented.

 However, one cannot be too careful.

 The “Basic Platform of the Ryukyu Restoration Movement” and the “Provisional Constitution of Ryukyu” were prepared by a private Chinese organization, and there was even an advertisement in a Hong Kong newspaper titled “Public Notice of the Establishment of the Preparatory Committee for Assistance to the Ryukyu Special Autonomous Region of the Chinese Nation” (“China Prepares ‘Okinawa Occupation Constitution’,” in WiLL, May 2012 issue).

 The situation is developing without the Japanese people’s knowledge.

 There were only a few independence-minded groups from Ukraine. It declared independence and demanded Russia’s support, citing the ridiculous genocide damage.

 Russia, plausibly, legalized the deployment of troops, claiming that the country was suffering from genocide.

 This is the kind of sophistry that totalitarian states are known for. At the UN Security Council, Russia, the party concerned, exercised its veto, and China, which stands by Russia, abstained from voting, leaving the issue in a deadlock.

Attracting Chinese to Hokkaido

 Since then President Jiang Zemin’s visit to Hokkaido in 1998, six high-level officials have visited Hokkaido.

 The current leaders are Premier Li Keqiang in May 2018, and the next visit to Hokkaido by State Vice President Wang Qishan in October 2019.

 Premier Li Keqiang met with then Governor Harumi Takahashi in Sapporo, where a dinner hosted by the governor was also held.

 The following day, he visited Tomakomai and Eniwa cities, where then Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who had arrived from Tokyo, hosted a lunch.

 Since then, forums and events on Japan-China relations have been held on a monthly basis, leading to the Vice President’s visit to Japan.

 Wang Qishan is said to have told Governor Naomichi Suzuki, “I would like to continue exchanges with Hokkaido,” and “(President Xi’s) decision to send me to Japan is a sign of the importance he attaches to Japan-China relations.

 Since President Xi’s visit to Japan as a state guest was also in his plans, the Hokkaido Shimbun reported that he was positive about accepting the visit, saying, “The Hokkaido region looks forward to Mr. Xi’s visit as well.

 Sankei Shimbun editor Masashi Miyamoto, who has been tracking land acquisitions by foreign capital, especially Chinese capital, for many years, stated, “The Hokkaido government is looking forward to Mr. Xi Jinping’s visit.

The Chinese dignitaries’ visits to Hokkaido have been paralleled by a rapid increase in both political and economic proximity between Hokkaido and China. The relationship between Hokkaido and China, which has developed from an increase in tourists to the acquisition of real estate, has deepened to such an extent that it is hard not to wonder if something is going on behind the scenes” (“China’s Plans for ‘Reservation Zones’ in Hokkaido,” in the April 2020 issue of “Seiron”).

 Several years ago, the Hokkaido prefectural government sponsored a symposium on the future of Hokkaido.

 The keynote speaker was a Chinese resident in Japan. I have heard that the keynote speaker suggested that Hokkaido should eventually aim for a population of 10 million, of which 2 to 3 million would be Chinese, and that in the distant future it might even become independent, although he may have been speaking off the cuff.

 I understand the logic that population growth leads to regional development, but what is the point of having a Chinese national deliver a keynote speech on Hokkaido’s future plan sponsored by the Hokkaido prefectural government, and then, to top it all off, aiming for independence?

 It is not surprising that the Chinese would be unaware that Hokkaido’s tourist attractions, depopulated areas, and mountainous forests are being bought up by Chinese capital.

 The acquisition of land by Chinese capital is very clever.

 For example, they buy up the two ends or the center of farmland that has been divided into three parts. The remaining land in the middle or at both ends is not easily acquired, and eventually falls into the hands of the Chinese like a ripe persimmon falling.

 At the present time, Chinese capital is buying up a speckled area of land, but at some point in the future, the entire area will be owned by the Chinese, doubling or tripling the size of the area.

A “Trojan Horse” in Action

 Most Chinese residents in Japan usually act in accordance with the Japanese legal system and live as if they were Japanese citizens.

 However, Chinese people have a strong sense of brotherhood and tend to congregate. They also have different habits, such as taking out the trash, which leads to environmental degradation.

 Japanese people eventually feel alienated or become fed up with the deteriorating environment and leave the condominiums and neighborhoods in which they live.

 Thus, condominiums and entire neighborhoods are transformed into Chinese communities.

 The largest number of foreigners living in Japan today are from China, numbering approximately 800,000 (as of 2020, the second largest is Vietnam, with 450,000, and the third is South Korea, with 430,000).

 Approximately 200,000 live in Tokyo, 60,000 each in Kanagawa, Saitama, and Osaka prefectures, less than 50,000 in Chiba and Aichi prefectures, 20,000 each in Hyogo and Fukuoka prefectures, around 10,000 each in Kyoto, Hiroshima, Ibaraki, Gifu, Shizuoka, Nagano, and Hokkaido prefectures, and 1,000 to 8,000 in all other prefectures.

 The age structure of the Chinese population in Japan shows a binomial distribution with a peak in the 40s, and an increase in the working-age population (15-64 years old), which is the opposite of the age structure in Japan.

 Moreover, although they reside in Japan, they are seen as working under the command of the Chinese Communist Party.

 Once something happens, China’s domestic laws, such as the National Defense Mobilization Law, will be applied, and Chinese residents in Japan will be required to act in complicity with their home country.

 Many foreign students and technical trainees are accepted from China, but some have disappeared without returning to their home countries.

 Some of them may be working in convenience stores, hotels, construction sites, etc., but many of them are not in the public domain and are not under the control of the government.

 The author has a vague fear that some of the acquired but abandoned forests of unknown use may have been turned into hideouts.

 China’s approach is what might be called long-term “indoctrination” through the use of sharp power.

 It is not like Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, where it is short-armed and hasty, sending troops for protection after receiving requests for assistance from some regions that have recognized their independence.

 Hideyuki Sekioka, who passed away prematurely at the age of 58, considered Sino-Japanese relations and made a sharp point.

 He pointed out that China’s strategy for Japan-China relations was a clever one: to incorporate the independent country of East Turkestan into China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region.

 It seems to me that similar methods are being pursued not only in Okinawa, but also in Hokkaido, Niigata/Sado, Tokyo, Osaka, and elsewhere.

 This is because not only the land for the Chinese embassy in Tokyo, but also the land for the consulate general in Niigata, etc., has been acquired for a site as vast as the embassy itself.

 The fact that these universities and other leading-edge intellectual institutions are accepting Confucius Institutes and Tongji Institutes, which have been rejected in the U.S., is an effective result of Sharp’s power.

 Mr. Sekioka pointed out not only the indoctrination of Japanese youth in academies and school children, but also the danger of young Chinese living in Japan themselves becoming “Trojan horses” (infiltrated during peacetime to become a force in times of emergency) equivalent to 50 divisions (each division consists of around 7,000 men), united under a single command from the Chinese Communist Party.

Conclusion: A nightmare association game

 There is a small faction in Okinawa that seeks independence.

 In Hokkaido, Chinese capital is buying up land everywhere.

 It seems that many people in the provincial government and the people of Hokkaido believe that it would be advantageous to sell off farmland and mountain forests that are being neglected by an aging population.

 There is a danger that the forests and forests bought up in Hokkaido will be turned into bases for the construction of Chinatowns by these Chinese, or into bases for the Sinkiang Production and Construction Corps, which has advanced into East Turkestan, or into bases for the Hokkaido Production and Construction Corps, and so on, leading to disputes with the Hokkaido government and the Japanese government.

 China will send in the People’s Liberation Army, claiming to have received a request for support from independent elements in Okinawa and the Construction Corps in Hokkaido, and the Chinese in Japan will synchronize with them and rise up as a Trojan horse.

 The 1,000 Chinese would be the size of an army regiment, with at least one regiment in each prefecture, far larger than the Self-Defense Forces in terms of size.

 The Japanese government and the SDF would be bound by laws and regulations and unable to respond adequately, and the whole of Japan would quickly fall under the control of the Liberation Army and the Trojan Horse.

 The Japanese people’s adherence to the Constitution, especially their adherence to Article 9, their avoidance of the militarization of the SDF, and their attitude toward the Emperor and the Imperial Family, are the shortcuts that lead from the collapse of national defense to the collapse of the nation.

 The fact that China abstained from voting on the UN Security Council resolution condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is a step toward gaining Russia’s support for a future Chinese invasion of Japan.

 Is it nothing but a nightmare that a strategic move to invade Japan is being made behind the international scene?

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